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APA Richey, J. University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Chicago Richey, Jeffrey William. The uneven distribution of political, cultural, and economic power between Buenos Aires and the so-called Interior has created a bifurcated nationhood that remains one of the central tensions in Argentine history and historiography. Departing from this paradigm of a bifurcated nationhood, two overarching questions guide this dissertation: how did exclusivist narratives of racial identity come to be accepted by a racially diverse national population?

And second, why, in a multi-cultural and multi-ethnic country such as Argentina, did racial division come to feature heavily in discourses of national identity during a period in which other Latin American countries were emphasizing ideas of racial and cultural inclusiveness? I answer these questions by examining the popularization of Argentine soccer between and Combining a cultural analysis of popular media with a concrete study of Argentine soccer institutions, I argue that during this period soccer became a key vehicle for Argentine politicians, intellectuals, and players to widely disseminate a version of cultural nationhood that excluded non-European elements of the national population.

In the first decades of the twentieth century no other event or performance of the time transgressed so many regional boundaries and brought so many Argentines into contact--corporeal or imagined--with one another than soccer. It is through these initial encounters--physical and discursive--that foundational formulations of national identity were propagated by an influential sports press eager to project an image of a capital city that was modern, advanced, and, above all, white. At the same time, soccer also provided an important platform for Argentines from the Interior to formulate an influential, long-lasting alternative nationhood that validated non-European cultures in explicit contra-distinction to Buenos Aires--notions of regional identity still influential today.

Parents: This work has no parents. Tweet Share. Master's Papers Deposit your masters paper, project or other capstone work. Scholarly Articles and Book Chapters Deposit a peer-reviewed article or book chapter. Undergraduate Honors Theses Deposit your senior honors thesis. The organization of the former enter- prise seems to have been poorly planned. Indeed, there may have been in progress at the same time preparations for more than one raid, but the chief promoter of the schemes seems to have been Joseph C.

Moorehead, Quartermaster-General of California. Taylor m hia proclamation was uncertain whither the expedition was bound. May, , They were said to be a portion of a band of three hundred who were ostensibly on a prospecting tour to the Gila, but their real purpose was to make a descent upon Sonora. With him he carried only about forty- five men, but there seems to have been two other divisions connected with the undertaking, one of which was to proceed via Los Angeles, and the other by sea to La Paz.

On July 2, the Prefect of Guaymas reported that American adventurers whom he supposed to be filibusters had landed at La Paz. Quoted in El Universal, 11 de julio de Journals of the California Legislature, 2nd. On the 6th of that month, the commander of the military colony at Santa Cruz reported that he found an encampment of North Americans near San Javier. Three days later, four of the party arrived at Arispe, whither they said they had come to ask per- mission of the state government to work the mines. During the war of , the United States government promulgated a tariff law of its own and invited Anglo-American merchants to introduce their goods.

When the war closed, these merchants soon found themselves involved in difficulty. The practice of smuggling was soon begun, and, judging from the amount that went on, the returns must have been large. Practically every Anglo-American along the line chose the pursuit of a merchant rather than that of stock-raising or agriculture, and smuggling, ceasing to be blameworthy, soon became meritorious. The customs-house guards of Mexico seemed to show considerable energy. In November, , they seized a contraband, and in January, February, and March, , other cargoes were taken. They now began to organize bands for the recovery of cargoes seized by the Mexican officials, and their efforts sometimes met with success.

Emory, "Report," Ho. Claims No. The fact that this plan provided for the reduction of the tariff, the moderation of the pimishment for smuggling, and the removal of the federal troops from the state, indicates that the Anglo-American merchants may have had something to do with it. Backed by their contributions, Carvajal was able by the offer of attractive pay to induce several Americans to inlist.

Others were perhaps moved by the filibustering spirit of the times, while still others saw in the enterprise an opportunity to profit by the seizure of runaway slaves. Darkness came on before the battle was decided, but during the night sixty more Americans crossed over from Davis's Ranch, and on the following morning the defenders of the town were forced to capitulate. The merchants, too, had probably decided that it was not to their interest to allow the revolution to assume too great proportions, and had suggested to Avalos a method of counteracting it. A series of what might almost be termed sham battles ensued ; and at length, "after eleven days of attacking, sacking, and burning, the fili- busters retired demoralized and with great losses".

Bolton, Guide to. His forces suffered considerable losses and he was compelled once more to flee into Texas. One of these par- ties destroyed the ranch of A. Edmundson some forty miles above Brownsville and declared that the Mexicans intended to rob and kill all the Americans living along the river. The first two of their schemes, led by Charles de Pindrey and Lepine de Sigondis respectively, simply responded to an offer of lands on the part of Mexico in return for fighting the Apaches on the frontier, and were therefore devoid of fihbustering intent.

Gaston Raousset de Boulbon, a French nobleman and soldier of fortune, had become deeply interested in the mines of Sonora. He soon evolved a mining and colonizing scheme so attractive that it enlisted the interest of the French consul at San Francisco and the French minister in Mexico. Soon after his arrival at that port, he found he had rivals in the field whose influence upon the government tended greatly to embarrass his movements.

Alta California, October 25, and November 22, ; Scroggs, op, cit, p. At length, his exasperation became uncontrollable, and he determined upon open rebellion. He posed as the champion and protector of an independent Sonora, and began hostilities by an attack upon Hermosillo, which he stormed and took on October This victory, however, brought little advantage.

The population did not respond to Raousset's appeal, several of the company had received wounds, and Raousset and a number of his officers were ill. The Frenchmen accordingly became anxious to get out of the interior. They soon patched up an agreement with the Mexican authorities by which they were to be allowed to proceed unmolested to Guaymas in consideration for the evacuation of Hermosillo.

Setting out thither, they were met on the outskirts of the town by Blanco, who induced them to disband and submit to the laws and author- ities of the country.

Most of them soon found their way back to San Francisco. News of these preparations soon alarmed the Mexican government. The members of the foreign diplomatic corps in Mexico were notified of the affair and of the attitude which the government proposed to assume toward it. It was reported that the mer- chants of. Guaymas, in order to avoid the injury which an open conflict would occasion to their business, paid the Frenchmen to disband and leave in peace. See Alta California, December 18 and 23, Bolton, University of California.

Levasseur, the French Minister in Mexico, learned of Santa Anna's state of mind and wrote the consul of his government at San Francisco. The month of June accordingly found Raousset again in Mexico seeking to obtain a contract for the peaceful introduction of a French colony. For some reason, however, he not only failed in his efforts, but so aroused the enmity of the dictator that he proclaimed the Count an outlaw and forced him to flee for his life.

This made him all the more determined to secure a foothold in Sonora, and he now began to solicit funds for a new enterprise. But his scheme progressed very slowly on account of the great popularity of the American project. With the details of this rather interesting enterprise per se the writer is not so much concerned as with its international aspects, and its general place in the series of raids against Mexico.

The incidents of this raid will therefore be narrated very briefly. Walker, who was living at the time in California, became interested in the founding of a colony in Sonora some time during the year ," and in June, , he and his former law partner, Henry P. Watkins, went as agents of the enterprise to Guaymas. Here they asked permits to proceed to the interior, where they intended to have an interview with the governor of Sonora; but the Mexican authorities, suspicious of their intentions, " Scroggs, op.

For the correspondence ex- changed between Raousset and the Mexican military authorities, see Pinari Trarucripts, Sonara, V.

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In the vicinity of this port, the filibusters spent several days await- ing reenforcements which they expected to arrive at any time. Concluding at length that the auxiliaries had passed them, they set out for La Paz, the designated point of reunion. They landed here on November 3, and had little trouble in making a prisoner of the Gobernador Principal Espinosa and seizing the town.

One of the first things they did was to tear down the Mexican flag and hoist one of their own, proclaiming the republic of Lower California. Then for the next few days they seem to have engaged in pillage and destruction, not only sacking the customs-house and the home of the Gobernador Principal, carrying off the archives of both, and setting fire to the buildings, but also plundering whatever other houses suited their fancy. When they were on the point of leaving La Paz, the new executive. The protection of the Sonorans from the Indians was a favorite plea of Walker.

Duclaud, a passenger on the Caroline, in Bolton Transcripts. He was just in time to fall into the hands of the filibusters, and they accordingly confined him along with their other prisoners. This occasioned some de- lay, and, during the interval, it was learned that Mexican troops were coming up. This information emboldened the citizens of La Paz to attack the filibusters while they were embarking.

In the encounter which followed, three of the Walker party were killed and others were wounded. The Mexicans also suffered some casualties. Landing here two dajrs later, he prepared to set up his government, but for some reason changed his mind. Magdalena was next spoken of as a possible capital, but again Walker changed his mind.

Ensenada was then decided upon, and the filibusters reached here on November The president immediately organized the government, and issued an address to the people of the United States giving his reasons for the course he had taken. Negrete, the commander of the colony, was notified of their intention, however, and he succeeded in repulsing the filibusters and forcing them to retire. Moreover, the Mexican leader harassed them during their retreat, pursuing them to the filibuster encamp- ment to which he laid siege.

On the morning of December 14, the filibusters made a sortie and drove the besiegers away. But the captive Mexican executives in the meantime induced the quarter-master of the Caroline to sail away with the arms and supplies which remained on board. The filibusters claimed that a party of six who were sent ashore to gather wood were fired upon, and that Walker and a company of thirty came to their rescue, administering a sound defeat.

While the filibusters seized horses to mount their men, and ''confis- cated" and slaughtered cattle in order to obtain dried beef for the march, their leader proclaimed the Republic of Sonora and annexed it to the state of Lower California. While at the latter village. Walker simmioned the natives to a convention. The delegates were received with military honors, and forced both to take the oath of allegiance and to subscribe to a declaration which Walker presented to them! Two weeks later a party of ragged, half-starved filibusters were said to have crossed over the Colorado.

Fifty of them immediately deserted and went to Fort Yuma. Walker, with the remainder, stayed in Sonora only three days. The party then recrossed the Colorado and retraced their steps to San Vicente. This chieftain now began to threaten and annoy Walker and his company, and they soon decided it was time for them to effect their escape into the United States. The best account of this ex- pedition is found in Scroggs, Fililmsters and Financiers, p.

The writer, as will appear from the citations, has not only had access to most of Scrogg's sources, but he has used transcripts of Mexican official documents and other Mexican sources which Scroggs did not have. Moreover, the situation was rendered more serious by the fact that the government of the United States was either unwilling or unable to restrain its lawless, adventurous subjects.

While it is probable that Mexico clung to the former view, there seems nevertheless to have been a great deal of truth in the latter. On the whole it may be asserted, that during this period from to the successive federal administrations were not urir willing, but unable to restrain them. In taking this view, it is not necessary to maintain that the motives of the government were entirely unselfish. What was desired at the time was transit and communication privileges, conmiercial concessions, and probably more land; and the saner statesmen realized that this show of force was one of the main obstacles preventing the achievement of these ends.

If the federal government of the United States had the disposition to prevent such raids, why then was it unable to do so? In order to answer this question it will be necessary to consider briefly the origin and development of the neutrality laws of the United States, as well as some of the attempts to en- force them. Washington's stand in regard to the attitude which his nation should assume toward this sturggle is well known. On April 22, , he issued his famous proclamation of neutrality, and circular letters were immediately dispatched to the executive authorities of the several states requiring their cooperation, with force if necessary, in order to obtain its observance.

But French sympathy was strong; the proclamation was not supported by an undivided public opinion; and the question, moreover, assumed a sort of political aspect. The outcome was shown by the case of Gideon Henfield who was prosecuted for taking service on a French privateer in A sympathetic jury brought in a verdict of not guilty, and his acquittal was hailed with applause by a large number of American citizens. This act contained a provision for its expiration within a little more than two years, but it was extended for a limited time in and perpetuated by act of April 24, The revolt of the Spanish colonies led to an attempt to revise the law, and on April 20, , an act super- seding all previous legislation was approved; but except for the addition of the phrase, "colony, district, or people", so as to make it applicable to the Spanish-American insurgents, it was virtually identical with the act of The Canadian insurrec- tion gave occasion for another attempt to modify the regulations regarding neutrality, which resulted, however, only in the tem- porary measure of March 10, The law of was there- fore in operation during the period under consideration; and, in order to understand the procedure of the United States in regard to the filibuster raids which have here been narrated, it will be necessary to quote the portion of this act which was ap- plicable to them.

And be it further enacted, That if any person shall, within the territory or jurisdiction of the United States, begin or set on foot, or provide or prepare the means for, any military expedition or enterprise, to be carried on from thence against the territory or dominion of any foreign prince or state, colony, district, or people with whom the United States are at peace, every such person so offending, shall be declared guilty of a high misdemeanor and shall be fined not exceeding three thousand dollars, and imprisoned not more than three years.

Días de Gloria - Vida y muerte del Fraile Aldao. Novela por Omar López Mato

O'SuUivan et al. Stat, at Large, , sec. For the provisions of these acts see U. Stat, at Large, under dates mentioned. A concise history of the laws is given in U. O'Sullivan, 27 Fed. Cases, ff. In the first place, the language is indefinite. In speaking of the portion of the law which has been quoted, John Marshall said there was "want of precision in the description of the offense, which might produce some difficulty in deciding what cases should come within it".

Would the act apply to emigrants who were leaving with their arms for protec- tion, but with no apparent military fonnation?

Lines of Geography in Latin American Narrative

If a leader who had decided to engage in hostilities against a country friendly to the United States, should decide upon a certain rendezvous outside of the jurisdiction of the United States, would citizens who proceeded to the rendezvous in response to an informal invitation to join the enterprise expose themselves to the penalty of the law? Sulli- van, loc, cit. April and June, , O'Sullivan, loc, cit. But this was repealed in the following year. By this act, a new rule of evidence was introduced, founded on probable cause alone as sufficient authority to sieze and stop, without a warrant, the incursions into Canada; and a new set of officers — collectors, surveyors, inspectors of customs, naval officers, marshals, etc.

But this law expired by its own limitations and no similar provision was re-enacted. It was sometimes difficult to get the federal officials in the regions where the infractions occurred to run counter to public sentiment and enforce the laws;'' and when indictments were obtained, it was virtually impossible to find a jury that would convict.

COGOTUDA - Definition and synonyms of cogotuda in the Spanish dictionary

In fact, it was asserted in that there had not been a single conviction under the sixth article of the act of The results of the efforts to suppress the filibustering enterprises from to were hardly more assuring. True, the Roimd Island scheme of was completely shattered by a vigorous presidential proclamation and by the efforts of seven war vessels which cut off all supplies from the adventurers and made their departure impossible.

Warrants were then issued for the arrest of five of the leaders; but owing to the fact that the enterprise seemed discredited, and on account of the state of public opinion, no further action was taken. See Ho, Doc. Here the filibusters found legal advisors who counseled them how to operate within the law. The secretary of the interior urged upon the district attorney there the importance of the case, declaring that the filibusters had brought the laws of the country into disrepute and disturbed its relations with a foreign power, and that therefore it was the president's ''earnest'' desire that they should be ''brought to trial and punishment".

Nevertheless, three successive juries were divided and failed to convict, and the other fifteen filibusters were accordingly discharged. Ex, Doc, No. See Sen. Ex, Doc. Sullivan et al. April, , ff. The good intentions of the federal govern- ment were evinced, however, by the severe censure and ultimate dismissal of this official. So far as has been ascertained, no action was taken in regard to Moorehead expedition.

The readiness with which it fell to pieces of its own accord may have been taken as an indication that none was needed.

National Territory, National Literature

Preparations for an invasion of the Sandwich Islands from California had given occasion for the instruction of Hitchcock, the commander of the Pacific Division, to obstruct the projected expedition or any other movement there in violation of neutrality. His plans in the spring of had led the Mexican minister of relations to address Conk- ling, the United States Minister, upon the subject; and the latter, in reply, said that he was sure his government had taken no action only because the necessary positive proof was lacking.

The attitude of the government of the United States toward proposed filibuster incursions into Mexican territory during the period under consideration had to be judged, therefore largely by the measures taken to suppress the Carvajal enterprises. As soon as news of the movements of fiUbusters under Carvajal reached Washington, the federal government began to act.

On September 22, , President Fillmore instructed Twiggs and Smith, commanders of the military forces in Louisiana and Texas, to restrain the proposed expeditions. All the troops in the department were ordered to join in carrying out the instructions of the president, and between the officers at Fort Brown and General Avalos, at Matamoras, there was apparently perfect harmony. Doc, No. Fillmore followed Webster's suggestion, but congress failed to take any action. In the spring of that year, however, he and some of his associates were again apprehended by the military author- ities of the United States.

None of them were important from a military standpoint, and under normal conditions they need have occasioned no great alarm; but the memory of the Texas affair was still fresh in the Mexican mind, and the war of had left its legacy of bitterness and suspicion which the loud expression of expansion- ist sentiment in the United States would not allow to subside.

It was easy, therefore, for exaggerated rumors to gain a certain amount of credence. Mexico, , XIII. The correspondent declared that the greed of the American people was increasing, and that if they once obtained a foothold in Sonora they would receive such constant reenforcements that it would be very difficult to dislodge them. As proof of this growing sentiment for expansion, he cited an article from the New York Sun of June 9, which contended that Mexico could never enjoy peace and prosperity until it was completely absorbed by the United States and its inhabitants placed under their truly republican institutions.

When the sub-inspector of the military colonies in Sonora reported that a party of forty- eight Americans, presumably a portion of the Moorehead expe- dition, had crossed the line, he said he expected six hundred to follow soon. A quotation from the Herald of New York praising the vigorous and progressive population of the Pacific who were already in search of other territory where they might exercise their skill and industry, furnished the theme for an editorial entitled: "Watch, therefore, for Ye know not the Day nor the Hour"! The Carvajal raids excited even more alarm, because they tended to confirm the doubt which had previously been enter- tained regarding the loyalty of some of the North Mexican states.

On October 12, , El Siglo printed a letter from Saltillo declaring that the scheme had for its object the formation of a republic of the Sierra Madre States. The Bandera Mexicana of Matamoras reported that it was designed not only to set up such a republic, but ultimately to seek annexation to the United States. This paper declared that if foreign gold and Arista should attempt to suppress the movement, ten thousand Ameri- cans were ready to hold aloft the flag of Sierra Madre; but, at the same time, it maintained that there was no desire for annex- ation to the United States. On October 28, Tornel made a speech regarding the situation in the Senate.

He said that he believed the purpose of the enterprise was to "despoil the nation of three states immediately, of others later, and of its sovereign and independent existence" ultimately. His opinion was based, in part, upon the reports of the newspapers of Texas, Louisiana, Florida, and New York. The Mexican officials on the Pacific coast grasped with avidity every bit of information which could possibly be had.

A favorite method was to take the sworn statement of the captains and passengers who put in at the ports of this section. Such statements taken from a British vessel which entered the port of Mazatlan in the spring of indicated that Raousset had a force of fifteen hundred adventurers. Adams which anchored at Guaymas in December, These witnesses estimated the number of filibusters already on their way to Mexico at from fifteen hun- dred to two thousand, while they believed some four or five thousand would follow in case the former metwithsuccess.

They declared that the meetings of the adventurers in San Francisco were quite open, that the enterprises had the support of sev- eral wealthy firms of that city, and that the officials there were ostensibly opposed to, but in reality in favor of the schemes. Moreover, the filibusters were in communication with certain individuals of Sonora, which state, together with Lower Cali- fornia, they intended to annex within a year.

Having accom- plished this, they then contemplated the annexation of the remainder of Mexico — an achievement which they expected to realize by the end of three years. That the Mexican govern- ment was in no condition to repulse a formidable invasion seemed obvious. Santa Anna's picture of the situation when he came to power in the spring of was probably little exaggerated. As a matter of fact, one of the first problems which was called to the attention of James Gadsden after his arrival at Mexico City in August, , was that of the Anglo-American filibus- ters.

Article eight of the treaty as originally drawn up obligated the United States to pursue with the navy such filibustering expeditions as succeeded in eluding the civil and military forces of the government and getting out to the high seas. Fred Rippy. University of Chicago. Journal, IX. The antipodal extension of the papal line of de- marcation gave a certain sanction to the claim from its very inception.! Nunez de Balboa declared the sea, and its islands and contiguous territories the property of the Castillian crown, while the work of Magellan and of Cortes further strengthened the hold of Spain upon the South Sea.

To bolster up its inordinate assertion of ownership Spain also invoked the old theory of the mare clausum, which was here applied to an unprecedented area of water. However, its population and wealth, and the initiative of its rulers during the seventeenth century, were not commensurate with the work of exploration, conquest, and settlement that would have been required for the proper enforce- ment of its monopoly.

And gigantic a scheme as it was, the domination of the Pacific was, after all, a secondary phase of Spanish world imperialism. For the latter produced the resources for the furtherance of the quixotic ambitions of the crown in Europe, whereas the empire of the Pacific was, if not a distinct liability, at least non-contrib- utory to the general coffers of the monarchy.

Of course, ex- ception must here be made of the settled western littoral of America, especially of Peru. As to the actual extent of Spanish occupancy — by Spain held, or claimed, on the basis of discoveries like those of Cabrillo- Ferrelo — the whole eastern shore of the Pacific from the region of Cape Mendocino to that of Cape Horn. The southern en- trance at the Straits of Magellan it later guarded with an occas- ional fleet, when there was danger of an invader, and for a time after the shock of Drake's incursion by Sarmiento's ill-fated the southwest of the Philippines, and on as far as the Cape, later declared the mare clausum theory only a valid authorization of monopoly in such restricted areas as in the case of the Venetian control of the Adriatic.

Grotius had in fact written his famous Liherum Mare to combat the very claims which the Dutch themselves made after they had broken down the Portuguese monopoly of the Cape route. As to the applicability of the mare clausum formula to so great an area, the English- man, Selden, who argued against "a natural and perpetual communitie of the sea", said: "that which is objected, touching the vast magnitude of the Sea, and its inexhaustible abundance, is of very little weight here". Mare Clausum; the Right and Dominion of the Sea, edition of , p. See Vattel, The Law of Nations, edition of , p.

On the opposite side the Russians had not yet crossed Siberia and broken out onto the forbidden sea. It was well along in the eighteenth cen- tury when they pushed their claims — and activities — down to the California coasts. As for Japan, militant and proud under Hide- yoshi and the great Takugawa shoguns, nothing more than a spiritual conquest could be hoped for.

However, the aggressive national spirit, embodied in the samurai's ideal of hushido, might be neutralized by the astute Jesuit propaganda of pacifism, the very issue which the Japanese foresaw and so ruthlessly fore- stalled. It was with this purpose that they refused to further the desire of the Japanese to develop ship- building.

China, too, came into the scope of the Spanish plan, and several projects were made for its conquest. The PhiUppines constituted the very key to the whole Asiatic line of Pacific defense. The King of Borneo gave his dominions in vassal- age to Governor Sande, and New Guinea had been claimed for Spain from very early by right of discovery. Such was the achievement and the dream of Spanish imperialism in the Pacific.

That the whole concep- tion of "the Spanish Lake" was not a mere quixotic vagary of a people given to grandiose visions its approximate realization in the early seventeenth century abundantly proved. As it was, in its essentials it act- ually was for two centuries a realized fact. The absorption of Portugal in was evidently aimed to secure ultimately the disposal of its East Indian re- sources, just as Louis XIV's designs on Spain had in view the utilization of the wealth of the Spanish Indies.

Thus, imtil the separation in Portuguese policy in its larger phases was subordinated to that of Spain. It was due to the weakness of the pre- cautions taken at the isthmus, which was one of the two strateg- ical points in the line, that the buccaneers were able to break out upon the South Sea in the latter eighteenth century. The Castle of Chagre, which Morgan's men stormed in , was part of the defenses of the Spanish empire of the Pacific.

The impor- tance of the Falkland Islands, over which a serious controversy arose in the latter eighteenth century, lay in their position as commanding the entrance to the Straits of Magellan and the route around Cape Horn.


Brazil was also as necessary to the consiunmation of the Spanish scheme on this side as was Malacca on the other, a circumstance which explains the anxiety of Spain at the Dutch occupation of the Pemambuco-Bahia district of the Portuguese colony in the seventeenth century. Over the whole vast area Spain spread its formal prohibition of foreigners. And Spain meant that the Pacific should be shrouded in such secrecy that the rest of the world could know nothing of these argosies and their tempting cargoes.

Thus, Drake was apparently ignorant of their existence until he had left the Pacific. The Spaniards were favored by the very remoteness of the sea. Only with the utmost risk and difficulty could a ship sail so far without a port available in its path, where it could take on provisions and refit.

Tn this respect Anson's problem in was as serious as Drake's in Indias, comerciar y establecerse en ellas''. Essen- tially the same document is contained in the Edward E. The letter is written in French, and dated February 15, , A. Until after all such way-stations on the road to the Pacific, whether on the camino de Indias around the Cape of Good Hope, or on Magellan's old path around South America, were in Spanish or Portuguese hands.

Except for the period of Dutch occupation in Brazil and the duration of Villegagnon's Huguenot settlements about Rio Bay, this condi- tion remained true of the westward route into the South Sea until the end of the colonial regime of Spain and Portugal in South America. Gradually, the eastward route around Africa became marked with the way-stations of other powers which Uttle heeded the remonstrances of Portugal at the violation of its monopoly. Of these peoples, the English, after their first enterprises among the great archipelago and their conflict with the Dutch, resigned themselves for a long time to the trade with the mainland of India, while the Dutch largely contented them- selves with the resources of the East Indies proper.

Consequent- ly, the impulse of both to push on into the Pacific was greatly lessened, while the Spaniards steadily held firm in the Philippines against the efforts of the Dutch to break down that western bul- wark of Spanish power in the South Sea, and only loosened their hold for a moment when assailed by the English in the latter eighteenth century. The hardships of an imbroken voyage into the Pacific made it most difiicult to hold a crew together until the attainment of their objects might compensate them for their sufferings, for the long-continued trials were a supreme test of discipline and self-restraint.

Even the most masterly leaders had to face dis- content or open mutiny. The buccaneers, who entered the Pacific by the easier overland route across the isthmus, quickly fell into anarchy, and were only forced into successful co-operar tion by their conmion danger or lust for booty, save when they were dominated by some more ferocious will. During the age of Elizabeth and Philip II. The old formulae of the papal demarcation and the mare clausum could henceforth have little force against interlop- ing peoples who were "Lutherans" and who only respected such theories of possession as served their own ambitions for dominion and trade.

The Spaniards did all possible to discourage trading across the Pacific to New Spain or Peru, for this would not only imperil Spanish shipping and compete with Spanish merchants in the colonial markets, but would constitute a serious political menace by the possible founding of establishments on the American coasts. They were as anxious to forbid trans-Pacific naviga- tion to Orientals as to Europeans. A memorial drawn up in by the leading citizens of Manila declared among the ad- vantages to be derived from the proposed conquest of China the prohibition of Chinese voyages to New Spain and Peru.

More serious in its possible consequences was the trading voyage made by some Dutch and English ships to the Mexican coast in The Spanish documentary material on this subject is contained in legajo , A. The regime of exclusion was aheady drawing to a close, and it was only a few decades before the Russians began their voy- ages from Alaska down the CaUfornia shore.

Maritime ethics and customs were changing," and the great pretension of Spain to the monopoly of the Pacific had been unmasked. The pernicious doctrine that one nation might dominate such an expanse of sea gave way before the rise of more liberal ideas on maritime rights, as well as before a display of naval force. In this regard Cook and his compeers did in the Pacific the work that Voltaire and the other French philosophers did in Europe. Though he would have found in the galleon an alluring objective for his wild cruise, he was apparently ignorant of its existence.

Pasfield Oliver London, IMd,, p. A translation of this work by Dr. Herbert I. From early times foreign navigators of various stamps had entered the Pacific in defiance of Spanish prohibitions. After the middle of the eighteenth century foreigners sailed about the Pacific at will, and they were men of a new stamp. In the first years of the line no provision was made for the protection of the galleons beyond placing small arms in the hands of those on board.

It was with such an armament that the Santa Ana tried to stand off Cavendish's Englishmen in However, the shock caused by the incursions of Drake and Cavendish led to the adoption of more serious measures of defense. A law of assured to the gunners of the Manila GaUeon the same privileges as were enjoyed by those in the carrera de Indias.

However, in spite of the excellent cannon cast at Cavite, across from Manila, the galleons seldom sailed with a sufficient equipment of guns. For the sake of the additional lading space which the omission of the guns would permit those in charge were willing to risk the chances of attack. Whatever guns were carried were often stowed away in the hold, while the decks were piled high with bales and chests of merchandise. In case of a sudden attack under such circumstances as occurred with the Santissima Trinidad, a sixty gun ship that fought with but ten in position, the result for the galleon was calamitous.

On the outward passage from Acapulco greater precautions were usually taken to prepare for emergencies. At this time the ship had also the advantage of the small arms of the re-enforcements on the way out to the islands. Convoys were seldom resorted to, unless the danger to the galleon was quite imminent. Serving as marines, they were not only bound to defend the nao in case of need, but were sometimes added to the garrison at Ma- nila, instead of accompanying the galleon on its return voyage. This precaution was neglected the moment the course was believed to be free from enemies.

They alleged that they were utterly unfit, and that they deserted at the first opportunity. City and Commerce to the King, July 18, , A. The passengers were always expected to take part in the defense of the ship. Thus, Gemelli Careri's entry for Christmas Day, , reads: "AU persons had Muskets given them, to defend ourselves against Enemies that are often met with on the Coast of California''. Churchill, Voyages, IV. Save for the time of the Dutch wars, and that of the buccaneer-privateer inroads into the Pacific in the later seventeenth and early eigh- teenth centuries, the menace was not chronic, as it was for long periods in the West Indies.

Armed vessels were, however, occasionally sent up the coast of New Spain to escort the galleon past the dangerous tip of California and on into Acapulco har- bor. In this case it generally followed the route around the north of Luzon, or put in at one of the bays on the east coast, Bruslons made the same error: "On leur doxme pour convoi ime f regate de 28 camions" Dictionnaire de commerce, IV. The burden of the averia, or convoy tax, was very severe in the case of the flota-gdleones trade, but the Manila- Acapulco line was exempt from this imposition, except in extraordinary emer- gencies.

Casanate and Otondo, two men prominent in the history of Lower California, were charged with this duty in and respectively. Venegas, I. The famous Jesuit, Padre Kino, who accom- panied Otondo on the latter occasion, describes the event in his Favores celestiales, lib. Thus, in , the viceroy ordered the latter authorities to find some means of warning the galleon of the proximity of English ships which had sacked Guayaquil, and were proceeding northward.

Albuquerque to the King, October 31, , A. Recourse was had to some such eicpedient on the American side, where signals were made from the Island of Cedros, which was usually the first landfall of the galleons, and also from sahent points on the mainland coast. After the founding of the missions on the peninsula the Jesuits in charge were eicpected to advise the nao8 that put in there of any strange sail observed off that quar- ter of the coast. Schurs's doctoral dissertation The Manila Galleon, which is still unpublished in its entirety.

The Baltimore Affair of , which nearly provoked war between the United States and Chile, was the direct outcome of the anti-United States feeling in Chile y in the growth of which j the Itata Incident was a very important factor. On the night of October 16, , a fight broke out in Val- paraiso between a mob of Chileans and a number of American sailors from the U. Baltimore then stationed in the harbor of Valparaiso under the conmiand of Captain W.

Wharton, acting for Secretary of State Blaine, advised Mr. Egan that he should bring to the attention of the Chilean Government the fact that the event had very deeply pained the people of the United States, not only by reason of the resulting death of one of our sailors and the pitiless woimding of others, but even more as an apparent expression of unfriendliness toward this Government [i. Throughout this report this document will be referred to as House Doc, page number only being given. Schley, this Government can not doubt that the Government of Chile will offer prompt and full reparation.

Matta, to the Chilean Minister at Washington, Sr. Proof of this is furnished by the demands of Balmaceda and the con- cessions made in June and July, the whole Itata affair, the San Francisco at Quintero, and the cable companies. The statement that the North American seamen were attacked in various localities at the same time is deliberately incorrect.

Egan had ''excellent rela- tions". Egan was then involved in disputes over his right to provide an asyliun for political refugees. This took place on December 26, The message closed with the statement, He [Mr. Blaine] enjoins prompt action. For months previous to the sending in of the message, the most active prep- arations had been carried on in the navy-yards, in the fitting out of the cruisers, and the air on all sides was filled with talk of war and, in some instances, disapprobation of such a great " Ibid.

Ill " Ibid. Our naval officials in Chilean waters early noted this fact, and continued to stress it until the final settlement of the BaUimore Affair. Balmaceda] have had a bitter feeling against the United States. This volume will be referred to as "For. Robley D. See also House Doc. John Bassett Moore, in his article "The Chilean Contro- versy" gives what is probably the clearest and best tempered statement. In many general accounts errors appear which, while in some cases not vital, are of such character that if American history is to be written accurately they should be corrected.

Itata Incident was the result of an attempt on the part of the Chilean Congressional Party to secure, in he United StaieSj the arms needed by them in the prosecution of their struggle with " George L. Aston, C. It is impossible to quote here all the passages referring to the Itata Incident; the prevalent errors can best be illustrated by quoting one sentence from Prof.

Hart's essay on "The Chilean Controversy". The italics are by the writer of the present article. As will appear later, the Itata was not chartered but seized by the Congressionalists, it made its escape on May 6, not May 6, and the arms which played such a part in the affair, were not received by the Itata until either the 7th or 0th of May. Popular at first, it was not long before he encountered serious opposition. His political theories, which were based on a desire for a govern- ment by the masses, were opposed by the aristocracy, capitalists, and clergy.

Hervey, Dark Days in Chile London, , p. Iquique, the center of the nitrate region, was occupied February During the latter part of the month the prov- ince of Antofagasta was cleared of Balmacedists, Tacna was taken in April, and by the end of May, Atacama was in their power.

Balmaceda was supreme, on the land, in the south. This manifesto is translated in House Doc. The struggle thus resolved itself into a race. Balmaceda was striving to secure ships while the congressional party was attempting to purchase arms, success being assured to the side which should attain its desiderata first. By getting control of the nitrate region they had deprived Balmaceda of his principal, and almost only source of revenue.

Accordingly then, Ricardo i. This selection was a most happy one. He arrived in New York, March 5, , and immediately put himself in touch with the well-known firm of W. George Denis, counsel for the defendant in the case U. Trumbull, 48 Fed. The part which the firm of W. The writer communicated with the company in quest of information and received a courteous reply on December 3, , to the effect that neither the firm, nor Mr. Grace, assisted Ricardo A. Trumbull in the purchase of military supplies. Burt to ship the arms from New York to San Francisco or Oakland from which it was intended that they should be delivered to a steamer sent from Chile to transport the arms to Iquique.

Grace, a man of great prestige, ex-mayor of New York, worked in the cause of the Constitutional Party with decision and enthusiasm for which we can never thank him enough" p. The Daily Alia Calif amian of May 7, published a telegram from the Chicago Interocean which quoted its Washington correspondent as saying that it was supposed Trumbull bought his arms from W. The Los Angeles Times of May 8, printed a dispatch from San Diego to the effect that the drafts presented to the local bank by the captain of the Itata were not cashed until communication had been made with W.

VB Trumbull was served on John W. The writer was permitted to examine the papers on file in the oflBce of the District Clerk in Los Angeles. In all probability the firm of W. Praecipe for witnesses. He was bound for San Francisco with a full complement of passen- gers and some merchandise. The ship was owned by W. Itata, Papers in the case, Government Exhibit A.

M Bafiados Espinosa, ut supra, II. M This name appears with various spellings. That adopted is the one used by Captain Tejeda of the Itata, the actual commander of the steamer Captain Manzenn being only the dummy commander , in his ''Parte'', Mem. Government Exhibit No. The work of loading supplies and of coaling progressed to such an extent that it seemed the Itata would be ready to leave the evening of the 5th or the morning of the 6th.

Shortly after the arrival of Mr. Don Prudencio Lazcano, approached Mr. Blaine, then secretary of state, with the information that the Balmaceda Government had issued a decree prohibiting the import into Chile of arms and ammunition, stating that he was especially moved to make this commimica- tion because of the arrival in New York of an agent of the Chilean insurrectionary force for the purpose of purchasing in this country, arms and munitions of war to maintain the rebellion in Chile.

Lazcano, however, lost the first round of the fight which he started to prevent the shipping of munitions to Chile. Blaine answered him to the effect that our laws did not prohibit the export of arms in accordance with international law, and further advised him that our laws were put in force upon appli- cation to the courts invested with power to enforce them. Rel, , p. John W. Foster, who was retained as counsel by the Balmacedist party, he returned anew to the fight. The loading was done in broad daylight at the Oakland mole. Lazcano in Washington began to bear fniit on May 4. Willonghby Cole, gave him the facts as they had been outlined to the State Department by Mr.

Lazcano's deus ex machina, John W. Foster, first appears openly. He sent Judge A. Important detain by legal proceeding even if eventually defeated. Attorney General will not object. Accordingly May 4, Attorney General W. Probably the two are to meet. Seward Cole, of Los Angeles, who very generously made available the use of a file of papers relating to the Itata incident which had been preserved among his brother's effects. Documents thus made use of will be referred to as "Cole Papers". See Daily Alta Califomian, May 7, Lazcano orally, for his written communication as published in For.

Please telegraph me authority to go to San Diego. Brunson acting with the United States Attorney advises this upon information from Washington and by consent of the Attorney General. Cole evidently became fearful that the information which had come through Mr. Foster might not be authoritative for at a message reached San Diego ad- dressed to Marshal Gard, Don't seize steamer Itata imless necessary to prevent leaving port.

Who's Who in America, , p. Government Exhibit, No. Have not released nor disclosed your telegram to Captain. Must have positive instructions before twelve to-morrow or will release ship and she will sail. Instruct me promptly. Delay is dangerous. Miller, dated May 6, Of course go to San Diego. Detain and libel both vessels and especially the cargo of arms and munitions. M Ibid. Scarcely had the marshal's tug left the harbor when the I tata weighed anchor and at quietly steamed out of the bay. In a short time it disappeared, apparently headed north.

The escape oj the Itata was considered an affront to the dignity of the United States, an affront which was finally removed by the peaceful delivery of the Itata into the custody of the United States cruiser Charleston which had unsuccessfully given chase to it, and its return, together with its cargo, to the port of San Diego. On the evening of May 6, Mr. Cole sent the unwelcome news to the attorney general. The ItaJta although seized sailed shortly after Gard left. From this point, he suc- ceeded in reaching San Diego the evening of the escape. He was eagerly interviewed by the representatives of the press, and the story he told showed that when the government acquired Mr.

He then made the following statements: "Going into the captain's cabin, I was joined by three passengers.